WHY IS CULTURAL CONGRESS NECESSARY?
Pinarayi Vijayan (CM of Kerala)
CPIM Polit Bureau member and Kerala Chief Ministe Pinarayi Vijayan inaugurated the first ever Indian Cultural Conference organised by Department of Culture, Government of Kerala in Ernakulam.
This is the full text of the Inaugural Speech:
Respected organisers, esteemed writers, cultural activists, and dear friends,
As you are aware, a cultural congress is something new to us. We have been having science congresses, history congresses and similar forums, but never one of this nature in the field of culture. The present Indian situation, however, compels us to convene such a congress. Communal forces are actively attempting to dismantle the secular fabric of our culture – a fabric that has ensured peaceful coexistence among people following different ways of life.
What is at stake is the inclusiveness of our social life. It goes without saying that this is extremely detrimental to the unity of the nation and society as a whole. It is against this backdrop that this congress assumes great significance. It is gratifying that the organisers have recognised this urgency and brought together a cultural meet of this magnitude under the joint auspices of various cultural institutions and academies, with the wholehearted support of the Government of Kerala.
I hope this Congress will send a clear message across the country that the people of India will resolutely resist attempts to divide the nation on communal lines. There is particular relevance in Kerala hosting this event – a state with a rich heritage of secular credentials and a long history of sustained struggles against communalism.
We are meeting at a decisive moment in the life of our country. India today stands at a dangerous crossroads. Forces that reject the values of our Constitution are steadily gaining strength. The year 2025, which marks the centenary of the RSS, is being used not as a moment of introspection but as an opportunity to aggressively advance a divisive political project. This project seeks to reshape India into a narrow, exclusionary nation, undermining the foundations of secularism, democracy, and social justice.
This assault is not abstract. It is concrete, systematic, and visible in every sphere of public life. Laws like the Citizenship Amendment Act seek to redefine citizenship itself on religious grounds. Proposals such as ‘One Nation, One Election’ are intended to weaken federalism and concentrate power. Administrative actions, including arbitrary and large-scale revisions of electoral rolls, threaten the voting rights of millions. Institutions meant to safeguard knowledge, culture, and history are being reshaped to suit a particular ideological agenda. When the State itself becomes an instrument to weaken pluralism, silence dissent, and normalise hate, resistance becomes not a choice, but a duty.
In such times, culture assumes central importance. History teaches us a clear lesson: fascist and authoritarian forces always target the cultural sphere first. Mussolini banned folk knowledge, recognising the spark of resistance it contained. Hitler feared painting, and the Nazis burned books and artworks because they understood that great art challenges narrow worldviews. Writers, artists, historians, and rational thinkers are attacked because culture nurtures critical thought, collective memory, and moral courage. It questions power and refuses simplification. That is why it is feared.
We have seen this fear translated into violence. Rationalists and intellectuals like Narendra Dabholkar, Govind Pansare, M.M. Kalburgi, and Gauri Lankesh were assassinated for questioning superstition, caste hierarchy, and communal politics. Dabholkar was murdered for promoting rational thought. Pansare was targeted for his writings that challenged the Sangh Parivar’s narrative. Kalburgi was killed for questioning religious orthodoxy. Gauri Lankesh was assassinated for her fierce opposition to casteism and majoritarianism.
Writers like Perumal Murugan were pushed into silence through intimidation, forced to declare that they would stop writing after attacks on their work. Activists like Stan Swamy were denied dignity and justice even in their final days – a stark reminder of the use of state machinery and fabricated evidence to crush dissent. These are not isolated incidents. They are warnings. They indicate an environment where free thought itself is treated as a crime.
A time is emerging when cultural activists find little space to exist. We have seen artists threatened for personal choices, filmmakers attacked for challenging social norms, and writers hounded for their views. The right to decide what we see, eat, read, and believe is being steadily curtailed.
Simultaneously, we are witnessing the systematic saffronisation of history and knowledge. Renowned secular and materialist historians are being removed from academic bodies. The intellectual tradition advanced by scholars such as D.D. Kosambi, Irfan Habib, and K.N. Panikkar is under attack. Institutions like the Indian Council of Historical Research have been reshaped by dissolving advisory bodies and replacing them with individuals sympathetic to a specific ideology. Research institutions are pressured to abandon objective, evidence-based inquiry. Complex social histories are reduced to simplistic communal narratives. This is not merely about the past; it is about controlling how future generations understand the present.
The autonomy of cultural institutions in the country is being systematically subverted, and the latest incident makes this trend unmistakably clear. It is extremely deplorable that the Sahitya Akademi – an autonomous institution meant to uphold literary freedom – has reportedly forwarded its award recommendations to the Union Government for approval. This is unprecedented in its history. An institution meant to function independently, guided solely by literary merit, is now seeking the permission of the ruling establishment, even while functioning without a duly appointed Secretary. This is not an isolated lapse, but part of a vicious pattern under the present dispensation, where cultural, academic, and intellectual institutions are steadily brought under political control. It is a direct assault on freedom of expression.
It is in this context that the role of writers and cultural activists becomes decisive. Culture is not an ornament of society; it is its conscience. When democratic space shrinks, culture must expand resistance. Neutrality, in such times, only aids injustice.
Kerala’s own history offers a powerful counter-example to the politics of exclusion. The social progress Kerala has achieved is inseparable from its vibrant cultural and intellectual traditions. Our reading culture, our libraries, our literature, and our theatre did not develop in isolation. They grew as part of deep, progressive people’s movements that challenged caste oppression, feudal exploitation, and social inequality.
Kerala is the land shaped by the Renaissance movements led by Sree Narayana Guru, Ayyankali, Ayyavaikunda Swamikal, and Chattambi Swamikal. Struggles such as the Paliyam Struggle, the Kallumala Agitation, and the Marumarakkal Struggle directly confronted social hierarchies. Sree Narayana Guru’s consecration at Aruvippuram and Sahodaran Ayyappan’s call for Misrabhojanam symbolised radical challenges to caste and communal barriers. Administrative reforms and popular struggles together shaped the Kerala Model – a people-centric welfare model rooted in dignity, equality, and public participation.
In Kerala, culture was never confined to elite spaces. It entered villages, workplaces, and streets. Early resistance to caste and feudal dominance found expression in literature and folk forms. Pandit Karuppan’s ‘Jathikkummi’ (1905) used popular idioms to challenge entrenched hierarchies and question socio-religious dominance long before formal legal reforms took shape.
The progressive literature movement marked a decisive turn. Beginning with the conference in Thrissur in 1937 and consolidating in Shoranur in 1944, its declaration that art exists “for man’s sake” brought ordinary lives into the centre of literary expression. Intellectuals such as E.M.S. Namboodiripad, K. Damodaran, and P. Kesava Dev provided this movement with ideological clarity. The struggles of workers, peasants, and the marginalised were no longer invisible. Writers did not stand outside social change; they participated in it. Literature became both a mirror to reality and a tool for transformation. Thakazhi Sivasankara Pillai’s Thottiyude Makan gained enduring relevance precisely because it foregrounded human dignity.
The performing arts amplified this impact. Theatre and storytelling reached people denied formal education. Storytelling traditions like Kadhaprasangam traced their lineage to progressive spiritual movements. Plays did not merely entertain; they educated, mobilised, and politicised. Cultural organisations like the Kerala People’s Arts Club carried progressive ideas across the state, transforming culture into a mass movement. Even under repression and censorship, artists continued to speak truth to power.
This torch was carried forward by the Purogamana Kala Sahitya Sangham, whose working documents warned that monopoly capitalism and global media seek to erode humanism – a challenge that has only intensified in the present era.
The Communist movement in Kerala gave continuity and direction to these cultural currents. It broadened the struggle from social reform to economic justice. Land reforms, education reforms, and labour rights were not merely policy decisions; they were cultural milestones that transformed social consciousness. The ban on evictions, guarantees of minimum wages, and protection of labour rights gave dignity and security to millions. Literature and art reflected and reinforced these changes, affirming that social justice and cultural freedom are inseparable.
However, this legacy cannot be taken for granted. Today, the same forces that oppose constitutional values are attempting to depoliticise culture. Art is urged to remain neutral and detached from social reality. This is a dangerous illusion. Every cultural act has a political context. Silence, in times of injustice, supports the status quo.
We must also remain alert to strategies that fragment resistance. Identity-based divisions are deliberately amplified. While historical injustices must be acknowledged, reducing politics to narrow identity silos ultimately benefits those in power. The real conflict remains between exploitation and justice, between concentrated wealth and democratic redistribution. Culture must strengthen unity among the oppressed, not weaken it.
Kerala’s library movement and reading culture deserve special mention. Libraries played a crucial role in democratising knowledge and political awareness. Since 2016, the LDF government has strengthened this legacy by increasing grants to public libraries, modernising infrastructure, expanding digitisation, and promoting reading programmes. The Kerala State Library Council has coordinated efforts to reach tribal and marginalised regions. These interventions are democratic safeguards. A society that reads, questions, and debates is harder to mislead and harder to divide.
The question before us, therefore, is direct and unavoidable. Are we, as cultural workers and institutions, responding adequately to the crisis of our times? Are our writings, artworks, and cultural expressions confronting the erosion of democratic values with the seriousness it demands? History does not absolve silence.
Some argue that political commitment restricts artistic freedom. History proves the opposite. The greatest artists and writers – from Pablo Neruda to Premchand – drew strength from their convictions. Commitment sharpened their vision and expanded their relevance. Art that refuses to engage with reality ultimately loses its vitality.
Our responsibility today is clear. We must defend secularism, democracy, and social justice with intellectual honesty and moral courage. Writers and artists must expose those who profit from hate and fear. Cultural platforms must resist attempts to normalise communalism and authoritarianism.
This is not merely a struggle for culture. It is a struggle for the Idea of India itself – an idea rooted in plurality, equality, and constitutional morality. Each generation is tested by history. This is our test.
Let us rise to it with clarity, courage, and conviction. Thank you.
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