SYMBOLIC VIOLENCE IN INDIA 2024: STEPS TOWARDS SAFFRON STATE
Irfan Engineer, Neha Dabhade, Mithila Raut
In 2024, symbolic violence in India was notably expressed through efforts to progressively cleanse India of its Islamic and Christian influences. They intend to assert the dominance of upper caste Hindu culture. India’s heritage and cultural legacy is rich and diverse, shaped by centuries of syncretism that has manifested in its monuments, architecture, rituals, festivals, music, art, and literature.
However, the Hindu right-wing, with increasing state support, has vigorously pursued a process of cultural homogenization, seeking to reshape Indian public spaces and cultural practices. This agenda is underpinned by anti-Muslim and anti-Christian narratives, which, although not entirely novel, have gained considerable traction and institutional backing under the present regime.
These narratives perpetuate various unsubstantiated stereotypes about Muslims and Christians, viz., that Muslims slaughter cows, they are illegal immigrants, they are a threat to India’s integrity, they entice gullible Hindu women into matrimonial relations in order to convert them, and hijab is alien to “Indian” culture. Christians are considered a threat as they convert Hindus to Christianity by force, inducements or through fraudulent methods. These tropes contribute to violent and discriminatory practices. Mosques and dargahs are reclaimed as temples. They call for the economic and social boycott of Muslims.
There has been a concerted effort aggressively promote Hindu mythology, icons, heroes, and heritage through educational curricula. Together, these actions contribute to a steady march toward the homogenization of India’s socio-cultural and public spaces, undermining the pluralistic character of the nation and eroding its diverse cultural fabric.
Homogenization of Heritage in India
In the year 2024, a petition was filed in Jaunpur court UP in May claiming that the Atala mosque in Fatehpur Sikri should be recognized as a Mata Mandir (Hindu temple). In a similar vein, the Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha filed a petition in early February in Agra Court seeking a prohibitory injunction to prevent the holding of ‘urs’ (death anniversary) of a Sufi saint at the monumental Taj Mahal in Agra. In another instance, Hindu right-wing groups organized under umbrella name Sanyukt Sanatan Dharm Rakshak Sangh, on 25th October, 2024, a rally in Uttarkashi in Uttarakhand to challenge the legality of a mosque, which turned violent and resulted in injuries mostly of the Muslims (Mishra, 2024). A similar rally took place in Mandi, Himachal Pradesh, on 13th September, 2024, where protests were held against a mosque allegedly built on encroached government land, with demonstrators calling for the demolition of part of the structure. The situation escalated to the point where police had to use water cannons to disperse the crowd and restore order (Hindustan Times, 2024).
Economic boycott of Muslims:
In recent years, one of the most potent and unprecedented strategies employed to marginalize Muslims in India has been the imposition of economic boycotts and pressures designed to exclude them from established economic networks, where they have long been engaged in relationships of economic interdependence with other communities. An ultimatum issued to all Muslims in Upper Assam, referring to them as “Bangladeshi” and “miyas,” demanding that they leave the districts in Upper Assam region. This was given by a number of right-wing organizations including All Tai Ahom Students’ Union, Veer Lachit Sena, among others. This ultimatum was issued in the aftermath of allegations of the rape of a minor girl, with such incidents contributing to the intensification of ethnic and communal tensions in Upper Assam region. The state took no action against these groups for threatening the Muslims (Zaman, 2024).
In Dehradun’s Paltan Bazaar on 10th September, 2024, members of Hindu right-wing groups staged a protest demanding that all Muslim traders vacate shops they rented, following allegations of sexual harassment against a 24-year-old Muslim salesman, Umer Dawood, from Bijnor, Uttar Pradesh. The protest was sparked by the accusation made by a Hindu woman against Dawood. Subsequently, a police verification drive was conducted, leading to the detention of 134 Muslim individuals identified as “suspicious” hawkers and handcart pullers operating in Paltan Bazaar. These Muslim individuals were detained by police for failing to produce “valid IDs,” further fueling the marginalization of Muslims in the local economy and society (Times of India, 2024).
The Akhil Bharatiya Akhada Parishad (ABAP), Hindu right wing organisation issued a directive to religious leaders, including mahamandaleshwars, mandaleshwars, and seers across the country, encouraging them to purchase goods exclusively from shopkeepers who identify as followers of Sanatan Dharma. Additionally, the ABAP urged devotees and followers to adhere to the same practice. The directive emphasized that only Hindu barbers, carpenters, and cobblers should be engaged for relevant services. Furthermore, the ABAP insisted that goods should only be bought from establishments displaying a board with the owner’s name, alongside a verification of whether the premises contained idols or images of Hindu deities. The organization accused members of a particular religious group of attempting to undermine the purity and sanctity of Hindu practices. It further alleged that food, drinks, flowers, prasad, and items used in religious worship were being contaminated, with claims that they were sold after being spat upon or submerged in dirty water.
Subsequently, a faction of the ABAP, which serves as the apex body of seers in India, declared that non-Hindus would be prohibited from setting up eateries at the Mahakumbh festival in Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh. They also insisted that no shop, stall, or business space be allocated to Muslims during the event, thereby reinforcing the exclusionary practices advocated by the organization. The authorities organizing the Mahakumbh don’t seem to have acted on such demands (Mani, 2024).
A traders’ association in Khansar, a town in Chamoli district of Uttarakhand, passed a resolution demanding that approximately 15 Muslim families leave the town by December 31, 2024. Some of these families have resided in Khansar for several decades. This resolution followed a rally organized by Hindu right-wing groups and traders in the Maithan market of Khansar, highlighting the growing trend of economic and social exclusion of Muslim communities in certain regions of India. The traders’ association was summoned to the police station where police urged them to not take the law in their hands. The association maintained it is not targeting any specific community (Das, 2024).
Hindu Symbols and Public Discourse:
The Pran Prathistan at Ayodhya Temple saw various state governments declaring a holiday for government offices and schools on 22nd January, 2024. In a secular country it is a misuse of power to declare state holidays for consecration of any religious establishment. Yet the governments in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Assam, Rajasthan, Haryana, Chhattisgarh and Goa. Ahead of the inauguration of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, Mangal Prabhat Lodha, guardian minister (Mumbai Suburban), announced an art competition on the Hindu god Ram and his life to be held in all the 1,146 BMC schools in Mumbai between January 10-17. Titled ‘Maryada Purushottam Shriram Jeevan Charitra,’ the competitions were the fields of painting, essay, poetry, and drama, with themes and topics related to Ram (Hindustan Times, 2024). While the symbol of Ram was given this significance and prominence promoting Hindu heritage, heritage from other religions was ignored. Radical Hindu group started a poster campaign demanding missionary schools across Assam to remove Christian symbols and churches from their premises and stop using educational institutions for religious purposes on 24th February, 2024. The posters were pasted on the walls of missionary-run educational institutions in Guwahati, Barpeta, Jorhat, and Sivasagar towns by an organisation called Sanmilita Sanatan Samaj. The group threatened to launch a mass movement if the missionary schools did not remove the churches or chapels, idols of Jesus Christ and Mother Mary, and other Christian symbols from their premises. It also asked the principals and teachers to stop wearing “religious dresses” to school. No action was taken against these groups (The Hindu, 2024).
The Vishwa Hindu Parishad on 14 June 2024 termed the Maharashtra government’s decision to allocate Rs 10 crore to Waqf Board for its digitisation for the financial year 2024-25 as “politics of appeasement”. The minorities welfare department had released Rs 2 crore for Waqf Board in Aurangabad and assured them that remaining amount would be given subsequently. This move was opposed and protested by the VHP (Indian Express, 2024).
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