Rohini Hensman


Secessionist conflicts, regardless of their merit, are invariably bloody with noncombatant civilians paying the highest price. With the defeat of LTTE imminent, the plight of civilians caught in the crossfire between the government and LTTE has reached inhuman levels and both parties are at fault for this situation. The constitutional adoption of the APRC (All Parties Representatives Committee) proposal on the basis of the Majority and Minority Reports of the Panel of Experts and terms for an honorable surrender by LTTE is a possible way to end the horror in Sri Lanka.


With the military defeat of the LTTE imminent, the terrible plight of civilians in the Vanni has attracted worldwide concern and sympathy, and rightly so. While the circumstances are completely different, the civilian death toll in the Vanni over the past few months (over 2700) is already triple the number of civilians killed in the Gaza massacre of December-January, and is still mounting. The thousands who suffer serious injuries are further victimised by the delay or lack of medical attention, which means, for example, that injuries to limbs which could have been saved  with prompt treatment, instead result in gangrene and amputations. Even those who have not lost lives, limbs or loved ones, have lost their homes and livelihoods, and live in appalling conditions which could well claim  more lives through disease or even starvation.


Meanwhile, the LTTE and Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) trade charges, each accusing the other of being responsible for the slaughter. What truth is there in their respective allegations?




 The LTTE and its supporters, especially in Tamil Nadu but also elsewhere,  cry ‘Genocide!’ and accuse the government of being solely responsible for  the carnage. They do not mention the appalling war crimes committed by the  LTTE, which have been documented by several international and Sri Lankan  human rights groups. The most obvious is their use of Tamil civilians as a  human shield from behind which they can engage in offensive firing, and  their shooting of those who try to escape. This means that the Tamil   civilians over whom the LTTE sheds crocodile tears are effectively prisoners  or hostages whom it deliberately keeps in the line of fire so that it can  hide behind them. The relationship between Tamils and Tigers is the very   opposite of what it claims: far from defending Tamils, the LTTE leaders are  using Tamils for their physical and political survival, a violation defined  as a war crime.


But it is doing worse. All the official reports mention forcible  conscription of civilians, including children. This, too, is a war crime.  Unofficial reports say that these unfortunate youngsters are not even being  provided with cyanide capsules, because some have committed suicide rather  than go into combat. It must be kept in mind that large numbers of the LTTE  casualties actually consist of these frightened and ill-trained conscripts,  who never chose to bear arms. Their presence in the LTTE forces also means  that their families, who might otherwise flee, remain in LTTE territory  because they do not want to abandon their children. Planting a suicide  bomber among fleeing civilians was a cynical move, ensuring that all  civilians would thenceforth be regarded as suspects.


Most cynical of all, refugees who have escaped report that the LTTE  deliberately fires from areas where civilians have taken shelter, for  example from the vicinity of hospitals and schools and from safe areas,  knowing that government forces will respond by shelling. The fighters then  vamoose, leaving the civilians to take all the casualties This is worse even than using civilians as a shield: this constitutes using civilian lives as propaganda, deliberately getting them killed in order to justify the  allegation of genocide. The LTTE massacre of Sinhalese civilians in  Inginiyagala on February 21 was probably also an attempt to provoke violent  reprisals against Tamils. The suicide attack on Muslims celebrating the  Milad festival at the Jumma Mosque in Akuressa on March 10 recalled the  LTTE’s massacres and ethnic cleansing of Muslims in the past. Those who hurl  charges of genocide and war crimes against the government alone are guilty  of whitewashing the LTTE and covering up some of the most heinous war crimes  being committed in the recent phase of fighting.


The LTTE leadership is undoubtedly in a tight spot, but they still have the  option of behaving honourably. The most honourable and humane thing they  could do now is to negotiate a surrender monitored by international organisations, which will ensure that the civilians are rehabilitated and  their fighters receive humane treatment as prisoners of war. Or, if they  insist on fighting to the finish, they could release all the civilians and  conscripts, so that only those who wish to stay with them are subjected to  the final assault. They will not, of course, do either of these things,  because they have no concern whatsoever for the welfare of Tamils.


The Government


 When evaluating the conduct of the government and the course of action open  to it, it is important to keep in mind these actions of the LTTE. One of the  demands, for example, has been for a ceasefire and peace talks with the  LTTE. But Rajan Hoole and K.Sritharan of the award-winning University  Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) report that Sri Lankan Tamils are wary of  any peace talks that will give oxygen to the LTTE. This is not surprising if  we look at the way in which the LTTE has treated the Tamils subjected to its  rule. If Tamils who have suffered under the LTTE are anxious that it should  not be rescued at this point, it is hardly surprising that Muslims who have  been subjected to massacres and ethnic cleansing, and Sinhalese who never  know when the next terrorist attack will strike them, cannot wait to see the  last of it. In these circumstances, it would be unrealistic to expect the  government to go back to anything like the Ceasefire Agreement of 2002,

which allowed the LTTE to arm itself for Eelam War IV. Such a course of  action would also be undesirable, simply preparing the way for renewed  bloodshed in the future.


However, this doesn’t mean that the GOSL is as free of blame as it and its  supporters claim. Observers are surprised that there has not been a mutiny  or split in the ranks of the LTTE which would end the war, and one probable  reason this has not happened so far is that the government has gone out of  its way to support LTTE propaganda. Earlier, it sabotaged the APRC process  when it had already arrived at a political solution which could have been  fine-tuned to suit the democratic majority in all communities, thus  reinforcing the LTTE’s message that Tamils will never get justice in a  united Sri Lanka. This message was further reinforced when leading members  of the armed forces and government, Sarath Fonseka and Champika Ranawaka,  proclaimed that Sri Lanka belonged to the Sinhalese, and minorities would  have to put up with less than equal rights, thus further assisting the  LTTE’s recruitment drives. Yet more support was provided to LTTE propaganda

by earlier government proposals to keep IDPs in camps for up to three years,  fuelling suspicions that their original habitats would be occupied by  Sinhalese, and that the war was being used as a cover for ethnic cleansing.


Government armed forces have responded to LTTE fire by shelling civilian  concentrations, including safe areas and hospitals, killing and injuring  thousands. Those who escape to government-controlled territory are kept in internment camps surrounded by barbed wire, prevented even from visiting  injured family members in hospital or attending the funerals of loved ones.


Recently senior citizens were released, but others remain prisoners. Reports   of disappearances from these camps, coming on top of thousands of  disappearances in the last few years, make this incarceration all the more fearsome. Not only would this prospect make civilians think twice before  fleeing LTTE territory, it would also make LTTE conscripts think that  surrender means death, and so they might as well die fighting.


All these policies of the government and its armed forces not only result in  massive civilian casualties, they also prolong the fighting. Alongside  concern for civilians, we should also spare a thought for combatants on both  sides, who are being expended by their respective leaderships as though their  lives have no value, whereas a different strategy could ensure that a whole  generation of young people is not killed and disabled. Moreover, the government’s strategy makes a peaceful outcome almost impossible. Even when  the LTTE is defeated militarily, it – or another guerrilla group – is likely  to rise up in the future to carry out terrorist attacks and restart the war, just as the Taliban has staged a comeback in Afghanistan. So what is the  alternative?


A Different Strategy


An alternative strategy would consist of the following: (1) Stop shelling  safe areas and civilian targets within LTTE-controlled territory; this only  results in propaganda gains for the LTTE. (2) Ensure adequate food, water and medicine supplies to civilians both inside LTTE territory and outside,  making sure, however, that no arms or ammunition get through to the LTTE.  (3) Ask the UN or ICRC to monitor the screening and registration of IDPs  entering the camps so that an independent record is available, and  disappearances cannot take place so easily. If LTTE suspects are separated  out, they, along with LTTE cadre who surrender, should be kept in prisoner-of-war camps whose inmates are also registered with the UN or ICRC,  and treated in accordance with international law. (4) If there is no  evidence that IDPs are LTTE operatives, they should be given identity cards and allowed to move freely. These measures will encourage civilians to  escape the LTTE if they can, and LTTE conscripts to surrender with some  confidence that they will be treated humanely.


Simultaneously, the APRC proposal for constitutional change drafted by Tissa  Vitharana on the basis of the Majority and Minority Reports of the Panel of  Experts needs to be adopted by the government, which should also provide a  solemn pledge that transfer of population (defined in international law as a  crime against humanity) will not take place: all IDPs and refugees who wish  to return to their original homes will be assisted to do so. This will not  be easy, especially in the case of Muslim IDPs who have been languishing in camps for over eighteen years, but it must be done as part of a political  solution to the crisis.


Is a political solution an immediate priority in the closing stages of this  battle in the Vanni? Yes, it certainly is! If the ruling SLFP had not  repeatedly sabotaged the APRC process from mid-2007 onwards, the war might have ended months ago, and thousands of lives might have been saved. It is  now too late to save those who have been killed, but it is still possible to  save lives and limbs that would be lost if a just political solution is not achieved. A purely military victory will merely push the war underground,  and ensure that it will re-emerge as guerrilla and terrorist strikes in  future. A constitution which is acceptable to democratic elements in all communities is the only way to end the war once and for all. If the current  political leaders in the two major parties are reluctant to implement a just  and democratic settlement, then the people of Sri Lanka must either push  them into doing so, or dump them and create a new leadership.


As for international actors who wish to help civilians in the Vanni, they  would do well to acquaint themselves first with the situation on the ground.  Accusations of ‘genocide’ against the government, for example, do more harm  than good. As an anxious Tamil in Sri Lanka put it, ‘When I hear Indians  talking about genocide in Sri Lanka, I shudder, because I know it will  merely make things worse for the trapped civilians. It is like crying ‘Wolf!’ If we cry ‘Genocide!’ when it is not occurring, who will believe us  and come to our aid if it really occurs? No one!’ Those who are really  concerned about the appalling situation of people in the Vanni should not only demand of the government that they implement the measures listed above,  but should also demand that the LTTE release the civilians and conscripts  they are holding hostage. Otherwise they would merely be adding fuel to the  fire that is consuming thousands of lives.


(Rohini Hensman is a researcher and writer active in the women’s liberation,  trade union, human rights and anti-war movements in India and Sri Lanka. She  has a novel, Playing Lions and Tigers, to her credit delving deep into the  ethnic problem of Sri Lanka. She is a Sri Lankan Tamil.  Sukla Sen)

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